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Keddie and R. Matthee eds Iran and the Surrounding World.
Kasravi, A. A Doomed Failure? Rochefort ed. Le Pouvoir du Genre.
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Paul, L. Die Welt des Islams , 39, 2, — Ram, H. Riaux, G. Richard, Y. Spivak, G. He illustrated his thesis by comparing Iranian Armenians and Iranian Kurds. Cottom assumed that Armenian nationalism felt by Iranian-Armenians, with their rich culture, was so deep and strong that it would prevent them from embracing Iranian nationalism. In conclusion, the author emphasizes that socio-biographical research should be the essential component of an inquiry such as this.
Only in this way could one could discover and understand how the lives of minority individuals and their national identity are affected by the agenda and projects of elites in their country.
Moreover, it reveals how these individuals actually constitute and shape the nation and its nationalism developments by their active presence and participation in daily events of their communities and nation. The book is a perfect book for the collection of any academic and research libraries.
It has reliable bibliographic sources and images that are related to the content and history laid out in it. Skip to content Book Reviews. Now, given its constant relevance to ordinary Iranians plus its great potential as a tool for political gain, nationalism is beginning to resurge. It is generating a confrontation not just between Iran's two traditions of state and faith, but between those within the ruling class who champion secularism versus those who still espouse theocracy.
Much as Ahmadinejad's chief of staff, Esfandiar Rahim Mashaei notes , Iran is faced with a choice between the "school of Iran" and the "school of Islam. Innumerable monuments and artifacts serve as constant reminders of a great past or the "school of Iran" in contrast to which the Islamic Republic and its "school of Islam" epitomized by velayat-e faqih pale. The ruins of Persepolis, citadel of King Darius the Great of biblical renown and his royal descendants, built in the 6th century BCE are synonymous with ancient Iran's international achievements.
So in , during the presidency of Seyyed Mohammed Khatami, members of Iran's majles or parliament joined with intellectuals in demanding that the government conduct archeological conservation at Persepolis and other pre-Islamic sites. State media trumpeted Persepolis as "one of the most important Nor has attention to preserving the past faded from public interest since then. Proactive actions by public and private media and by conservationist groups seek to alleviate threats on cultural sites : looting of prehistoric rock carvings in northeastern Iran, sinkholes due to the Sivand Dam at the tombs of the Achaemenid or Persian kings in Naqsh-e Rostam, flooding of Sasanian-era settlements dating from Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages , and impending destruction of a Parthian temple to the Zoroastrian angel Anahita at Kangavar for a Shiite shrine and a hotel for Muslim pilgrims.
So prominent hardline ayatollahs like Abdollah Javad Amoli can do little other than complain that: "Instead of being a source of admonition for present-day Iranians that there were people who lost everything despite their secular power, [Persepolis] has become a cultural heritage.
Keywords: middle east iran nationalism. Clawson, P. Essentially, both nationalist and clerical ideologies claim descent from two long-standing but separate heritages. Ethnicity, Identity, and the Development of Nationalism in Iran. Add to Cart. This is a preview of subscription content, log in to check access. Some have interpreted this development simply as the reaction of society against the oppressive Islamic dogma of the state.
Even the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps struggles with the rising tide of nationalism linked to cultural heritage sites from pre-Islamic times. The mullahs have every reason to fear the return of Iranian nationalism to politics since members of the regime's inner circle have begun to use it.
Ahmadinejad negotiated extensively to bring the Cyrus Cylinder, a 6th century BCE text detailing the Persian King Cyrus' ostensibly just and humane ways, temporarily to Iran. In a ceremony eerily similar to celebrations by the last Shah at Persepolis in , Ahmadinejad organized a professional performance of events from Cyrus' life for the unveiling of the ancient artifact at Tehran in late September He went on to proclaim the Cyrus Cylinder is the standard against which "all leaders must be measured.
Spurred on by these events, the number of domestic tourists visiting the ruined cities of ancient Persia has been rising sharply. Rejection of the clergy and their mores also is asserted through festivals linked to Iran's past.
In March , fundamentalist mullahs began denouncing the celebration of Chaharshanbeh-Suri as an un-Islamic holdover from Zoroastrianism. Iran's current supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei laid down the official line on that festival, condemning merrily jumping over bonfires as causing "harm and corruption" and so "contrary to the Sharia" or Islamic law.
Despite the regime's threats, through intimidation and arrests by Basijis, many Iranians celebrated that festival and Nav Ruz or the New Year which followed, choosing adherence to Iranian traditions over obedience to Muslim leaders. All this is especially vexing to the mullahs as many if not most of them do not have deep familial roots in Iran.
When the Safavid dynasty transformed Iran from a Sunni nation into a Shiite one, between the 16th and 18th centuries, clergymen were recruited from Lebanon, southern Iraq, Bahrain and other Gulf nations, and Kashmir.